A Question about Foreign Accent Syndrome

I would be remiss not to mention this week’s news story about an Oregon woman who woke up from surgery speaking a different accent (Check out the stunning video clip of her speaking).

This lady suffers from a rare condition called foreign accent syndrome (FAS), whereby a brain injury (or some other phenomenon) affects the speech centers of the brain. It results in the unconscious adoption of something resembling a foreign accent. Here is another prominent case of this:

Some headlines  implied the Oregon woman woke up with a specific accent (e.g. “Woman wakes up from surgery with British accent”). Anyone with the slightest knowledge of English dialects will see this is not the case: FAS sufferers are afflicted with strange speech traits that may coincidentally sound like a particular nationality, but they actually have an idiolect entirely unique to them.

Because so few people actually have FAS, there isn’t a wide body of research about it. So this story got me thinking: Many of the people I interact with on this site have a fairly extensive knowledge of phonetics and accents. If I or another phonetics obsessive were to get FAS, how would it affect our speech?

At the risk of sounding cocky, I’ve used the International Phonetic Alphabet for so long that I read it as easily as I read the newspaper.  When I look at three basic vowel sounds transcribed in IPA–say, ɑ, i, and u– it seems unthinkable that I would lose knowledge of these symbols and what they mean. I’m good at imitating dialects as well: wouldn’t this knowledge survive?

This may be wishful thinking, though. Is it possible that if I had Foreign Accent Syndrome, I might believe ɑ to represent some other vowel? Would I be able to “put on” a standard American accent and cure myself? Or would all knowledge of accents and their phonetics be wiped clean?

I believe that those of us who have an intense obsession with phonetics perceive language in different ways. We codify spoken language on two different levels. As such, our relationship to speech is different, even if this difference is slight.

Would this special relationship survive the kind of trauma associated with Foreign Accent Syndrome? Or is our knowledge much more fragile that we assume?

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Sign of the Times: William and Kate’s Accents

Regent StreetYes, even a blog about accents needs to touch on the Royal Wedding a little bit.

I won’t spill more digital ink about the wedding, nor the wedding-mania that swept America this past week. I am, however, fascinated by the standard narrative regarding William and Kate, namely that the Prince married a “commoner.” Indeed, she was born into a middle-class household (albeit one that later became wealthy due to a business venture) and therefore one of the most humbly-born royals since the Earl of Wessex married the daughter of a tire salesman.

And yet, when you hear William and Kate actually speak, her accent is (to my ears) more “aristocratic sounding” than his. Look at this clip of the young couple discussing their upcoming nuptials.

Both fiancee’s speak within the “Near-RP” family of accents (speech that is close to Received Pronunciation/Standard British, but with a few regionalisms or contemporary features thrown in). However, William’s accent has a quite bit of Estuary English (modern London-inflected English) mixed in: his diphthong is words like KITE starts at a backer place (compare his “side” [sɒɪd] vs. her “I” []); and his diphthong in words like GOAT is closer to Estuary as well (compare his “no” [nɜʉ] to her more genteel “know” [nəʊ]).

So, in my opinion, the Prince speaks a bit closer to the average Tom, Dick and Harry than his “common born” wife, who ironically speaks with a more, shall we say, royal-sounding accent.

What are we to make of this? I think this says several things about the radically changing attitudes toward dialect in the UK:

1.) If (probably when) William becomes monarch, he will perhaps be the first in British history to speak with an accent relatively close to how “average English people” speak.

2.) The ties between class and accent further continue to weaken in the UK. The spread of Estuary English is beginning to look at lot like the spread of General American in the mid-20th-Century US.

3.) Is it time to start ringing the death knells of Received Pronunciation?  If in a few decades we’ll see a king who doesn’t speak the Queen’s English, then how much longer can this accent survive?

William has been criticized in the past for his “mockney” accent.  And yet I think his less-than-genteel speech is admirable:  he’s remained true to himself, his generation and the Britain he’s grown up in.  Perhaps the last vestiges of England’s icky Edwardian ideas about dialect are finally, mercifully dying.

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The Rise of Creaky Voice

Grunge Rocker

Wikimedia

Sometimes when I’m writing a post, I stumble upon something intriguing enough that it makes me change topic mid-stream. Today is one of those days.

I was going to look at the differences between General American accents among younger vs. older generations. As such, I found clips of two natives of Omaha, a midwestern city identified by William Labov and others as having one of the most “neutral” accents among major US cities.

The accent samples I attempted to compare were the unlikely duo of Warren Buffett, the renowned financial analyst, born in 1930; and famed musician Conor Oberst, born in 1980. And yet my research went off the rails: right off the bat, there was something very noticeably different about Oberst’s speech. Here’s the clip:

Unlike Buffett (whose clip I haven’t included), Oberst speaks with something called creaky voice. In a nutshell, this means that vocal folds are compressed, creating a … well, creaky sound in one’s voice.

Anyone who lives in the Northern US will probably recognize this as a “young person’s” accent feature. Being born in 1980 myself, many people I grew up with spoke with creaky voice, yet I’ve rarely heard it in anyone born before the 60’s.  Where did creaky voice come from? And why does it seem to be spreading? [If it is spreading!]

There has been a notion batted around for a while that creaky voice began as a prominent feature of Pacific Northwest English. This radio piece from a few years back on the dialect of Seattle mentions this, for example. There is even some historical evidence to back it up: some Amerindian languages in the Northwest feature creaky voice as well.

Indeed, listening to creaky-voiced speakers immediately draws to mind the Northwest’s grunge rock heyday. All those world-weary young men in flannel seemed to have this speech feature. The late Kurt Cobain certainly did:

In fact, this speech trait seems almost de rigeur among the alternative music set.  You could almost hypothesize it began as a regional quirk, then spread through the burgeoning indie rock movement. Evidence of its indie inter-regionalism?  Musician Justin Vernon (aka Bon Iver) has creaky voicing, even though his dialect otherwise betrays his place of upbringing (northern Wisconsin):

My take? I think creaky voice is indicative of a much larger trend in post-war American dialects. Namely, that we don’t really need to speak the way we once did. As we’ve become a more suburbanized and isolated culture, the need to communicate outside of our closest friends and family has diminished.

For me, the importance of creaky voice is not where it came from, but how a vocal quality which impedes the production of speech (it limits airflow) has managed to thrive. Common sense might suggest that in order to speak constantly with creaky voicing, you would have to be part of a society that requires less verbal communication.  Not that I’m condemning creaky-voicedness; I just see it as one more product of a suburban “indoor voice” culture.

Just thoughts. I know little about this phenomenon (or even how to use it correctly in a sentence — the creaky voice? a creaky voice?). Nor have I found much in the way of serious studies on it. Any thoughts?

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On the STRUT Vowel and Spelling

Letters

Wikimedia

To put it mildly, the English language has a tricky spelling system.  It’s confusing, illogical, archaic and often just bizarre.  Case in point: in standard British English the letter o can, depending on context, represent nine out of the twelve monophthongal vowel sounds (by my count). We have a seriously complicated way of spelling things.

Of course, given how many accents our language has, some spellings make “sense” in certain accents where they don’t in another. The o in not is logical in the accent of Edinburgh (where it’s a pure o sound); less so in Detroit (where it’s closer to the a in cat). This begs the question: do children with certain accents have an easier time learning how to write than others?

This is worth some investigation, since one of the most problematic vowels in English spelling is also involved in one of the language’s largest accent divisions. This would be what we call the STRUT vowel: the short vowel in such disparate words as strut, cut, fudge, tough, won, one, ton, love, above, blood and run.  It’s a challenge for a beginning English reader to see how one sound can be represented in so many ways.

But this is more of a challenge in some accents than others.  In particular, this vowel doesn’t technically exist in the accents of Northern England. There, these words use the vowel in words like foot and put (ʊ). Hence the goofy transcriptions you sometimes read in novels set in the region (“Are you all right, loov?“)

You might say, then, that there is more logic to the spelling of these words for someone from Manchester than someone from London or America. From the Northern English perspective, o, u, oo, and ough look more closely related.

Is it easier, then, for a child from Northern England to learn to write these words than an American? (I struggled mightily as a child to grasp which word “rough” represented.) I’m probably overreaching, but it would be interesting to construct a study judging the speed at which children of different linguistic backgrounds learn to read and write (if this has not already occurred).

In the broader spectrum of language, of course, orthographies (spelling systems) are not alike in ease of use.  Does this also apply to variations within a language? Is it possible certain accents are conducive to spelling and reading? While other accents impede literacy?

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Can You be Bi-Accented?

Gilian Anderson

Gillian Anderson (Keven Law/Wikimedia)

Continuing yesterday’s discussion of the accents of transplants, I’m mulling over a related question: can someone be bi-accented? Just as there are bilinguals, are there some people who are native speakers of multiple accents?

I should clarify. I’m not talking about someone whose accent shifts in certain contexts (that happens to us all). Rather, I’m speaking of someone who was exposed to two accents at an early age, and speaks both fluently. Just as there are people who are native speakers of both Spanish and English, can you be a native speaker of more than one accent?

There are many examples of what linguists term code-switching in the English-speaking world. Here in the US, many speakers of African American Vernacular English switch to General American English in certain contexts. And many children with Carribean parents speak Patois at home but an entirely different “standard” dialect elsewhere. But these cases mostly involve dialects (i.e. grammatical differences) rather than accents (pronunciation differences).

So what about accents that are grammatically similar (as in standard US and British English), but differ in pronunciation?

There is one prominent example of this that I can think of, namely X-Files actress Gillian Anderson. Anderson spent most of her childhood in England, spent her adolescence and college years in Chicago, then moved back the UK in her adulthood. The result is that she usually speaks British English in the UK, but American English in the States.

Here she is in England, on the talk show Parkinson:

Contrast this with her appearance on an American red carpet:

If I didn’t know about Anderson’s background, this would seem to me the height of actorly affectation.  Yet perhaps this is the natural behavior of someone who can’t claim either accent as “native.”  She has made the choice to preserve her linguistic roots in both nations rather than allow her speech to slip into placelessness.

Intruigingly, both of her accents seem to exert a slight influence on each other. Her American accent has a bit of a British undercurrent, and her British accent occasionally slips into an American intonation. Both, therefore, seem to have a place in her subconscious. So I’m not so ready to claim either accent as “artificial.”

But she may be a very unusual case.  Are there any other examples of this type of phenomenon?

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The Accents of Transplants

Bill Bryson

Bill Bryson in his adopted homeland (Wikimedia)

We’ve all met them.  The semi-British, the semi-American, the semi-Irish.  I speak, of course, of people who have left their home countries (or regions) for elsewhere, and whose original accents are starting to change.  Not only are their native regionalisms fading, in fact, but they are adopting the accent features of their new home country.

But not all transplants are the same.  Some people almost completely absorb the dialect of their new surroundings.  Others maintain the voice of their homeland till their dying days.  And contrary to common sense, this isn’t always a matter of how long you spend away from home.

To illustrate this point, let’s take a look at the accents of three people who have spent significant time away from their place of birth.  Appropriately for the subject of this site, I’ll start off with Bill Bryson, author and Iowa native, who has spent much of his adult life in England:

Bryon’s accent is pretty much what we would expect: still American, but marked by numerous English pronunciations and intonational patterns.  The man has spent decades in England, so this is unsurprising.

And yet it need not take decades for one’s original accent to be consumed by another.  For example, here is a young actress from Northern Ireland, Bronagh Waugh, who has spent less than a decade in England, but whose accent, with it’s glottal stops and loose diphthongs, is clearly starting to slant toward Estuary:

Of course, Waugh is an actress, and therefore in a profession where changing one’s accent is part of your job.  When I went to drama school (in America), I often encountered young actors who arrived with the thickest of Southern drawls, but spoke impeccable General American a mere two years later.  It comes with the territory.

But what about the converse?  People who live in a country for a very long time and yet curiously maintain much of their original accent?

A good example of that can be found in the accent of the brilliant singer Antony Hegarty, originally from Chichester, England, who now lives in the US:

 

At first listen, nothing sounds particularly odd here.  Hegarty sounds more or less like a Brit who has spent many years in America.

But I’ve failed to mention an important biographical detail:  Hegarty moved away from the UK when he was seven years old. In fact, most of his upbringing occurred in California.  And yet, despite the rhoticity of his accent, he still sounds quite British.

Hegarty is also transgendered and artistically tempermented, and has spoken in interviews of the intense isolation he felt growing up.  I don’t want to delve too deeply into the details of his personal life, but one might find an obvious correlation between the degree to which someone engages socially in their new surroundings and the degree to which their accent is altered.

This site is frequented by many transplants, people who’ve left their own countries for another or have left one region for another.  Has anybody found their own accent has changed significantly?  Or hasn’t?

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“Um” in Different Accents

All dialects of English have “filler” words. Just to name a few: er, ah, um, eh, or the increasingly common like* and you know. We humans are a hesitant bunch, and these words offer brief moments of reflection.

What’s interesting about these words is that, even though they carry little to no actual meaning , they vary in terms of pronunciation and usage depending on a speaker’s accent or dialect [Ed. Note: As per this post at Separated by A Common Language, these words may have more meaning that I thought].  Which brings us to the word I’m going to examine today: um.

I loosely classify um into three categories**. First off, there’s British Um which might be transcribed as erm. The vowel in this word is pronounced centrally in the mouth, near English schwa — [əm]. You can hear quite a few examples of this in the speech of comedian Ricky Gervais, interviewed below:

Then there’s American um which is typically pronounced lower and backer in the mouth, closer to the vowel in words like strut –[ʌm]. Many examples of this can be heard in this interview with musician Jeff Tweedy, who grew up in central Illinois, fairly close to the heartland of General American English:

Finally, there is Irish um which is more accurately transcribed as ehm — [ɛm]. Here’s a slew of ehms from Dublin pop idol Nicky Byrne:

Akin to the Mam-Mum-Mom debate from a few posts back, it’s difficult to seek the etymology of “um,” as it’s more of a sound that an actual word. (If I read something along the lines of “um derives from Proto-Germanic ummaz” somewhere, I will be the first to make a correction.) What is more notable about these three ums is that each assigns a different phoneme to the vowel in the word.

For example, the fact that American um rhymes with gum isn’t merely coincidental.  Just take a look at “um” among speakers with the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (The Great Lakes Accent).  In accents with this shift, the vowel in words like “strut” shifts further back toward the vowel in words like “thought.”  And the vowel in “um” often goes along with it!  Hence, I once had a roommate from Upstate New York whose said something closer to “awm” (ɔm) than “um.”

On the other hand, why do most Irish Accents do the opposite, and render the vowel toward the front in the mouth (ehm)? Did these different filler words come from some single source (a proto-um, if you will?) And if so, why did they split off into their current variants?

So, here’s my overall question, which is perhaps (let’s face it, probably) unanswerable: Is there some rhyme or reason as to why um is pronounced differently in different accents? Or is it purely random?

*A sidenote: Like is used as a filler word in American, Irish and Welsh dialects, but often in different ways.  In America, we tend to use “like” before or in the middle of a clause, whereas across the pond, the word is more typically used after a clause.  Example:  American “I got, like, really drunk” vs. Irish “I got really drunk, like.”

**Caveat:  I am not suggesting every single British, American or Irish accent employs these pronunciations.  These are merely three variants of “um” that I’ve grouped based on which accents tend to use them.

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Twangs vs. Drawls

A Banjo

Wikimedia

I would like to discuss a pair of very unscientific words that describe accents or dialects of English: twang and drawl.

Both words are associated with the accents of the American South; one often hears of the “Texas twang” or the “Mississippi drawl.” But what exactly do these words mean? And is there a difference between the two?

Let’s take a look at their strict definitions, from Merriam Webster:

drawl:to speak slowly with vowels greatly prolonged; a drawling manner of speaking

twang: nasal speech or resonance

The above definition of drawl makes sense to me. The one for twang, however, I find peculiar. There are many nasal accents out there accents referred to as nasal–Liverpool, Michigan, Long Island–that are rarely referred to as “twangs.” There’s no doubt the fine folks at Merriam-Webster have researched this point, but I find this definition of “twang” too broad.

Perhaps, then, it’s better to look at how people actually use these words to deduce their specific meanings. I hear “twang” and “drawl” used in three different contexts:

1.) They refer to separate regions of the American South. I usually hear “Drawl” used in relation to the Coastal/Deep South, and hence the (often non-rhotic) accents of states like Louisiana, Alabama and South Carolina; “twang,” on the other hand, often references the Mountain or Inland South.

2.) These words describe any accent that is a bit “slower.” For example, I’ve heard people mention the “Australian drawl,” which is probably because the vowels in Aussie English are longer than those in British English.

3.) “Twang,” more generally, can distinguish an American accent from other accents. As an American, I only think of Southerners having a “twang,” but I’ve heard people from other countries use it to mean “American accent.” For example, I was working on a play a few years back with two Irish actors, one of whom said to the other, “I’m surprised you’ve lived in the States so long. You don’t have the twang at all.”

I’ve personally used these two words in an entirely different way, however. This is entirely my own subjective association, but when I think about the “twang” and the “drawl,” I think of two different accent features.

“Drawl”, for me, has the same definition that Merriam-Webster identifies above: an accent where the vowels are “drawn out.” Hence it makes sense to me why American Southerners and Australians are said to have drawls.

But “Twang”, to me, suggests an accent that specifically features something called vowel breaking. This term refers to the tendency (usually among American Southern accents) to turn a monophthong (a single sound) into a diphthong or tripthong (i.e. multiple vowel sounds). For example  somebody from Texas might pronounce trap as something like “tray-up” (i.e. IPA tɹæjəp).

 

I like “twang” in this context because the word also refers to the plucking motion used when playing a banjo or similar instruments. Likewise, vowel breaking sounds a bit like a vowel is being “bent” or “pulled” in some way. Very unscientific, I know, but a fun way of visualizing it.

 

Of course, none of this is the kind of thing linguists write about. You probably won’t find any academic papers about the fine distinctions between the “Tennessee Twang” and the “North Carolina drawl.” Still, as these words are often used when discussing accents and dialects, they’re worth looking at, even if there’s no way of finding a concrete meaning.

 

How do you use “twang” and “drawl?” Am I missing any nuances in these two words?

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A Brief Clarification About New Zealand Accents

New Zealand

(Wikimedia)

I want to quickly clear something up about New Zealand accents, since the topic was touched upon briefly yesterday.

In New Zealand English, the vowel in “short e” words like dress or bed moves very close to the vowel that Americans and Brits use in the word kit. In a strong Kiwi accent, therefore, red will sound very similar to American rid (i.e. IPA ɹɪd).

Just to be clear, though: the vowel in dress does not merge with the vowel in kit. Kiwis do not pronounce bed and head the same as bid and hid. Rather, the vowel in kit is retracted (that is, pronounced with the tongue further back in the mouth).

To an outsider, then, New Zealand bet and bit can sound sort of like “bit” and “but” (this is more accurately IPA bet and bɘt, but the “layman’s” transcription is more amusing!)

I would be remiss if I didn’t mention that the vowel in words like trap in NZ English likewise moves upward toward the vowel in dress. To give an example of all these vowel shifts in action, if a New Zealander were to say …

Peck the pack of pickles

It might sound to an American like …

Pick the peck of puckles

(In IPA, this would be pek ðə pɛk əv pɘkɫz.)

This little quirk is the biggest difference between Australian English and New Zealand English. In Australian accents, the vowel in kit actually does the opposite:  it moves toward the vowel in fleece. Hence Australian bit can sound a bit like beat to an American.

I hope this clarifies things.  I’ll end this post with an accent sample of a famous New Zealander, so you can see what I’m talking about for yourself. Here’s a snippet of NZ prime minister-elect John Key:

P.S. This post is unusually terse today as I have been battling massive server outages with my web host.  My apologies for anybody trying to reach my site earlier this morning!

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The Pin-Pen Merger

19th Century Census

Illinois Census, ca. 1850

I used Ancestry.com for a few months, before it got a bit too expensive. One of the main family branches that I researched were (was?) the Kendricks, a family in Kentucky that has been in that state for several generations.

An interesting thing I found was that in many of the older census records “Kendrick” would often be mispelled as Kindrick. This wasn’t an isolated incident, but in fact was an error committed by multiple, unrelated census takers. This would be a puzzling mystery unless you were to remember that Kentucky, like other southern states, features the Pin-Pen Merger.

This is another academic term for something you’ll recognize the second you hear it. In this merger, words that end in -en or -en merge with the vowel in words like pin or Tim. So, for example, my own name, Ben, sounds more like “bin,” and hem sounds a bit like “him.”

Here’s an example, from famed Southern comedian Jeff Foxworthy, which you can find at :26 of this video, when he cracks a joke about the word “menu:”

But this is taken to further extremes in some speakers. Because of the Southern Vowel Shift, whereby front vowels are raised, “Ben” can actually sound like “bee-uhn” (IPA biən). That’s quite a leap from a single sound to make!

Regardless of the specific phonetics, some form of this merger is widespread throughout the American South.  Although, like most “Southern” dialect features, it creeps northward. Very far northward, if Rick Aschmann’s American Dialects Map is to be believed. Out in the mountain states, Aschmann finds a pin-pen merged speaker in Conrad, Montana, a mere 60 miles from the Canadian border!

Since the majority of pin-pen merged speakers live in traditional borders of the Southern States, however, I tend to think of it as a feature of that region.  When somebody calls me “bin,” I ask them where they’re from in the South.

Now, when I’ve looked at possible sources for dialect features on this blog, I’ve usually looked for influences from dialects in the British Isles. And in this case, I don’t think there is much of a mystery: the merger is a feature of some Western Irish accents to this day. Like a few other Southern dialect features, I’m guessing the feature came over with the Scots-Irish from Ulster*.

What is more perplexing about the Pin-Pen Merger is that, regardless of where its origins lie, it only recently spread so far and wide.  As per linguist Vivian R. Brown in her paper, Evolution of the Merger of /ɪ/ and /ɛ/ Before Nasals in Tennessee:

Southern States English has not always had the completed merger; data from the LInguistic Atlas of the Gulf States suggest that it has become predominant in the South only in this century. According to Bailey and Maynor (1989, 13), it began “in the last part of the nineteenth century and worked its way to completion during the last half century.”

As with many features of American Southern English, the question is not where it came from but why it is so widespread.  It’s the linguistic equivalent of lighting a match in a field full of dead grass, and watching a tiny flame grow into a huge brush fire.

So why did such a strange accent feature spread so far so rapidly?

*In his unwieldily-titled paper, On the trail of “intolerable Scoto-Hibernic jargon: Ulster English, Irish English and dialect hygeine in William Carleton’s ‘Traits and stories of the Irish peasantry’ (First Series, 1830), linguist Kevin McCafferty questions this assumption by noting that the pin-pen merger only appears to be in modern dialects of Southern Irish English, and not in the North. But since this is such a recessive feature in Irish English regardless, my guess is that it was once much more widespread throughout the island, and now we can only find traces of it here and there.

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