Literary Dialect Transcription

Sean O'Casey

Sean O'Casey, ca. 1924

We normally discuss spoken accents or dialects. But what about how they are written?

Phonetic transcription isn’t so common in English-language literature these days. And that’s probably for the best. As a reader, I hate it when old novels spell out a character’s accent. I understand the importance of Huckleberry Finn, for example, but I cringe reading Jim’s dialogue, of which this is typical:

“What do dey stan’ for? I’se gwyne to tell you. When I got all wore out wid work, en wid de callin’ for you, en went to sleep, my heart wuz mos’ broke bekase you wuz los’, en I didn’ k’yer no’ mo’ what become er me en de raf’.”

I know it’s a classic and all, but … ugh. Given, if you’re acquainted with contemporary African American Vernacular English, you’ll have an idea of what Twain is indicating here. But as a reader, stretches of text like this are maddening, the textual equivalent of walking through molasses. Writers have mostly stopped pulling stunts like this, and with good reason.

And yet. While the reader in me is aggravated, the accent nut is fascinated. As awkward as spellings like this can be, they can tell us a lot about the way accents have changed.

A relevant example would be the writing of Irish Playwright Seán O’Casey. O’Casey wrote in the vernacular of working-class Dublin (aka “local” or “popular” Dublin), a dialect of which we have precious few recordings that pre-date the mid-20th-Century. In Juno and the Paycock, a play set during the Irish Civil War, he provides us with a rich look at early-20th-Century Hiberno-English. Take a read:

Boyle: Aw, one o’ Mary’s; she’s always readin’ lately — nothin’ but thrash, too. There’s one I was lookin’ at dh’other day : three stories, The Doll’s House, Ghosts, an’ The Wild Duck — buks only fit for chiselurs!
Joxer: Didja ever rade Elizabeth, or Th’ Exile o’ Sibayria? — Ah, it’s a darlin’ story, a daarlin’ story!
Boyle: You eat your sassige, an’ never min’ Th’ Exile o’ Sibayria.
Joxer: What are you wearin’ your moleskin trousers for?
Boyle: I have to go to a job, Joxer. Just afther you’d gone, Devine kem runnin’ in to tell us that Father Farrell said if I went down to the job that’s goin’ on in Rathmines I’d get a start.

While this is a work of fiction, we can make some interesting deductions. For example, the th before r as in words like “try” (thry) and “after” (afther), corresponds to a feature of Irish English whereby ‘t,’ when pronounced near ‘r,’ is dentalized (pronounced with the tip of the tongue against the teeth). This trait is recessive in contemporary Dublin, but spellings like this suggest how very widespread it was 90 years ago.

Also interesting is what isn’t represented. For example, contemporary local Dubliners will often drop the “t” at the end of words, as in are ya goin’ ou’ or it’s good, isn’t i’. The fact that there are almost no noticeable transcriptions of this kind in Juno and the Paycock suggests this feature may not have fully emerged until a bit later in the 20th-Century. So we can get hints as to what has been lost as well as what has been gained.

Of course, these are vague impressions from a literary work, rather than any kind of rigorous analysis. But they illustrate the way this type of writing can arguably serve an important historical purpose. So I’m on the fence. How do we feel about the linguistic value of this kind of dialogue, no matter how much of an eyesore it may be?

*Fans of Irish English will notice that there is a phonetic transcription of sorts in the title:  ‘Paycock’ is a rendering of ‘peacock’ in traditional Dublin English.

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Central Connecticut: A Strange New Accent?

I had a lengthy blog post prepared today but got caught up on a specific detail that I’d like to get your advice on.

The clip in question is that of this college TV news reporter at Central Connecticut State University. He notably has a Central Connecticut Accent:

You’ll be able to notice some of the salient features of Central CT accent here (t-glottaling, LOT-fronting, etc), but what really caught my interest was the rhythm of this young man’s speech.

This guy has something that might be referred to as a “mumble:” consonants, vowels and entire syllables are often reduced or elided completely. In fact, I found this feature so intense that I actually had a hard time understanding his accent at a few points … and I grew up 45 minutes away from Central CT.

Just to give on salient example, listen to the phrase “…ticket or showing up to class late…” that occurs at 0:37. For most accents of English, relatively equal stress would be put on “class” and “late,” so the phrase would come out a bit like:

ticket or showing up to class late” with perhaps a tad more emphasis on “late”

But for this young speaker from Central CT, the word “class” (which strikes one as vitally important to the meaning of the sentence) is said so quickly and with so little stress that I almost didn’t hear it:

ticket orshowingptclss late

So here’s my question: is this merely a marker of the supposedly lax diction of the young? Or is this an actual accent feature?

I mention this because I’ve known a number of people from this region who have had a similar “mumble.” I have (I swear) had two separate co-workers from the Hartford area who have been criticized for their diction (or lack thereof). Am I wrong in thinking this might be an actual regional feature? Or is this just how the young people talk these days?

(And if you want to comment about any other features of this young man’s accent, feel free!)

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One of My Favorite Famous Accents

Charleston, SC

Wikimedia

As per a recent post about non-rhotic American Southern English, I should mention one of my favorite accents of any politician.  That would be the former Senator from Charleston, South Carolina, Fritz Hollings.

An excellent clip of his speech can be found here (the fine folks of Book TV have curiously decided to disable the Embed function).

I don’t know enough about Hollings’ (centrist) politics to form an opinion about them. But linguistically-speaking, I think the man is a national treasure. He is one of the last notable examples of the traditional Charleston Accent, which is rapidly dying out in the face of modernity.

This accent has two important features. First, as you will notice in the clip, the diphthongs in words like FACE and GOAT become monophthongs (IPA [fe:s] and [go:t] or “fehs” and “goht”). In this regard, the accent shares similarities with varieties of Irish, Scottish and Northern English speech.

The accent also features a modified form of Canadian Raising, whereby the diphthong in words like “about” or “house” is raised slightly.  You can hear examples of this at the following points in the clip:

“start out” 1:15
“merged it in about” 1:42
“for example, in the house” 2:27
“they’ll kick you out:  3:20
“Don’t worry about:  4:03
“You’ve got a good house:  4:12
“both in the house and the Senate, and they’re outstanding” 4:27
“don’t worry about it:”  6:17

“CharlE” has been reputed to have British, Caribbean, African, Irish and Scottish influences.  While I can’t vouch for these, Charleston is nonetheless a reminder that American English, no matter the variety, actually came from somewhere.

I am one of those who believes that American English is becoming more diverse rather than less.  But in embracing this diversity, it is important to honor the passing varieties of English that will soon leave us.  Rest in peace, Charleston English.

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It’s in the OED, Innit?

Scrabble boardTaking a break from the lengthy posts I’ve been guilty of lately, I’d like to mention the big dialect news of this past week: the addition of innit to the Collins Official Scrabble Words compilation.

Innit, for those unaquainted with British dialect words, is a contraction of “isn’t it” (it contracts the already contracted). Part of what offends the anti-innit crowd, I’m guessing, is that the word isn’t used in a strictly grammatical way. For example, although the word is”logical” in a sentence like …

It’s a gloomy day, innit?

innit has increasingly adopted some more unusual uses. A Google search of the word, for example, reveals the following:

We’re British, Innit.
She’s well out of order, innit?
I was just joking, innit!

So the implicit “is” replaces any conjugation of “to be:”–was, am, are, etc–while the implicit “it” replaces any pronoun–I, he, she, they. Not such a grammatical atrocity when you think about it. It’s simpler than having to remember permutations along the lines of “arnwe,” “inshe,” or “inni.”

You can probably guess my opinion. Innit is a real word (it’s in the OED), just as valid as isn’t, ain’t or shan’t. Why is there debate about this?

The only objection I see is that innit is often used in a grammatically “wrong” manner. But people fill their sentences with far more illogical word uses: for example, the extraneous uses of “like,” “right?” and “you know?” None of these words or phrases are invalidated because of it. Just because the word is used “incorrectly” doesn’t mean it is incorrect in and of itself.

Of course, this being a British word, some columnist at The Guardian had to write a meandering “opinion piece” about it, with the choice quote:

From an aesthetic standpoint, however, “innit” remains an abomination.

By the way, this is an article otherwise defending the choice to include the word. Apparently we had to throw a bone to the prescriptivist crowd.  Sigh.

But I digress. You probably have some opinions, innit?

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Belated Thoughts on Obama’s Accent

Barack Obama

Wikimedia

This post is four years late. I admit it. The president’s accent has already been scrutinized ad nauseum, and there have been political controversies about this very topic. But after watching a speech by Obama this morning, and finding his accent intruiging, I decided to offer my take.

Debating presidential accents is nothing new. Who can forget the way America greeted JFK‘s odd variant of New England, or the questions posed about the authenticity of George W. Bush‘s Texas twang. Presidents seem to have unusually malleable accents, and our current president is no different. With that in mind, here is Obama’s official take on the matter, in his own words, from an interview in 2008:

My father was from Kenya so I’ve got an Arab-sounding name, and I think most people know that I was raised by my mom who was from Kansas, which is why I’ve got a Kansas-sounding accent…

I’m not quite sure I’d agree with that statement. But let’s examine some clips. Here is a recent speech Obama posted on his YouTube channel:

Of the places Obama grew up in or was shaped by, Chicago actually sticks out the most for me. He slightly raises and tenses the “a” in words like “last” and “that,” with perhaps the most marked Great Lakes-type pronunciation of this vowel being the “pull back” (“pull behk“) you find at 0:55. The Chicago-ness (albeit mild) of Obama’s speech may strike one as peculiar (he didn’t move there until he was nearly in his mid-twenties), but the city had a profound impact on his life, so I’m not surprised he has a touch of the local accent.

I don’t quite see the Kansas connection, though, save maybe a hint of a twang here or there*. Not to mention that, to put it crudely, a “Kansas accent” isn’t a thing. Renowned linguist William Labov identifies at least two accents in the state, as does the Nationwide Speech Project, and linguist/dialect hobbyist Rick Aschmann identifies a whopping 4-5 accents in Kansas, depending on the accent boundaries you’re referencing.

What I can say is that Obama’s maternal relatives were mostly from southern part of the state. Labov identifies that area as speaking with a South Midland accent, a region which tends to blend Southern and Northern features. Taking this into consideration, let’s see if we can find a bit more “Southern Kansas” in Obama’s speech when he is addressing a crowd in the very same region:

I’d tentatively say there’s a bit more twang in his accent here, and perhaps a slightly increased tendency toward glide deletion. But I don’t hear that much of a difference. It’s worth noting, however, that he is talking to democratic voters in a Red State. Since his audience is a group of people who probably disassociate themselves from the surrounding political environment, slipping into a local accent may hurt Obama more than it helps him. Although I couldn’t say for sure.

This post wouldn’t be complete without addressing the elephant in the room: the president’s relationship with African American Vernacular English. To give you an idea of the criticism the President has endured over this issue, I direct you to this inexcusable comment from Camille Paglia in 2008 of the otherwise excellent Salon.com:

A major gaffe this summer has been that, in trying to act more casual and folksy to appeal to working-class white voters, Obama has resorted to a cringe-making use of inner-city black intonations and jokey phrasings — exactly the wrong tactic.

I think this paragraph is cringe-making.

For reference, this is a clip of the kind of situation that caused this hubbub:

While I don’t agree with Paglia’s conclusions (or terminology), I will concede that Obama adopts some AAVE features here: his rhoticity (final r) is weaker than normal at many points, and he more frequently falls into AAVE prosodic patterns (specifically a tendency toward high tone at the beginning of sentences**, although I’ve heard him do this in other speeches as well).

There is also a fascinating and complex moment that occurs at approximately 2:55 in the video. Obama starts off a sentence with “Most of us was …” then, after a tiny pause, corrects the “was” to “were.” “Most of us was…” is a perfectly valid construction in AAVE, even if it isn’t part of standard English. When Obama corrects himself from the former to the latter, what is going on in his head? I don’t want to speculate as to why Obama checks himself there, but find it very interesting that he did.

In any case, it’s clear that Obama made a deliberate choice to adopt some of the presumable dialect features of the crowd he was addressing. Whether or not I agree with this choice is not something I’m comfortable deciding. But I’d point out that our president is not the first politician to switch up his speech, and I doubt he will be the last (see such cases as Clinton, Hillary; Blair, Tony; or Kennedies, Most).

Presidents are a unique breed. They are often seeking, rootless people. Obama was raised by Kansans in Hawai’i and Indonesia. George W. Bush was raised by a New Englander and a New Yorker in Texas. JFK, while associated with Eastern Massachusetts, spent various part of his upbringing in the Bronx, Westchester County and Connecticut. Presidents typically have strange relationships to their roots and regional identities.

But I’ll stop my yapping and open up the floor. What do you think of Obama’s accent(s)? Actually, let’s broaden this up a little: what do you think of any presidents accent?


*For the more phonetically-inclined, my specific objection here is that Obama’s GOAT and GOOSE sets are too conservative–citing Labov once again, their fronting is a pretty important marker of South Midland speech.

**This feature of AAVE was given academic credence by linguists Sun-Ah Jun and Christina Foreman in a 1996 study of African Americans in Los Angeles. However, you can hear this feature in one of the most famous sentences in human history, Martin Luther King’s “I had a dream…” Dr. King hits the first two words very strongly “I HAD a dream,” whereas General American English would put most of the emphasis on the final word. I think that this prosodic feature is part of what gives the speech its spine-tingling power: King isn’t passively talking about a dream he had the other night, but telling us that he emphatically, actively dreams of a better future.

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R-lessness in the American South: RIP?

Southern Plantation

Tasso, a 19th C. Alabama plantation

Whatever happened to non-rhotic Southern accents?

For those of you joining us from the everyday world (one where “non-rhotic” isn’t a household word) a non-rhotic accent is one where the “r” is dropped at the end of words or syllables. So, compare General American car“cahrrr–with the more common British pronunciation, which would sound to an American a bit like “cah“. The former pronunciation is rhotic, the latter non-rhotic.

Non-rhoticity used to be a widespread feature of English in the American South.  In fact, as per linguist Erik R. Thomas in A Handbook of the Varieties of English, non-rhotic accents once covered a vast territory south of the Mason-Dixon line, stretching to parts of the country we would hardly think of as non-rhotic today, such as Texas, Arkansas, and Kentucky!

Anybody who’s research Southern accents knows that non-rhoticity has met a rather grim fate. By the mid-20th-Century (at the latest), this feature was confined to the Atlantic South (North Carolina, Coastal Virginia, etc.) and the deep south (Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana). Over the next few decades it would recede rapidly in those areas as well: looking at Rick Aschmann’s dialect map (which also includes data from William Labov), contemporary non-rhoticity is confined to a modest band of territory in the Gulf states and a few small patches on the Atlantic coast.  Even in many of those areas, I’m betting non-rhoticity is mostly prevalent in older speakers.

To illustrate just how much this feature receded in a few decades, I’ve included clips of three people from a specific region (Southwest Georgia) of different generations.

First listen to this clip of former president Jimmy Carter, born in 1924. His speech is obviously quite non-rhotic (despite some rhotic pronunciations).

Next, listen to the speech of Food Network personality Paula Deen, who grew up 35 miles down the road from Carter, and was born in 1947. Deen has some non-rhotic pronunciations sprinkled throughout her speech, but unlike Carter, she’s rhotic the large majority of the time. She seems to be in a kind of “semi-rhotic” transitional state.

Then, for good measure, listen to Deen’s son, Bobby, born in 1970, who grew up in the same town she did. The younger Deen has one or two moments where his rhoticity sounds a bit “weaker,” but he’s clearly almost 100% “r-ful.”

So what happened to r-lessness?

Well, I have purposefully neglected an important factor in this discussion: African Americans. While rhoticity has spread like wildfire among white Southerners, the English of Black Southerners appears to have remained fairly non-rhotic. There is a clear divide between the two ethnolects in this regard.

One of the more common (and probably controversial) theories regarding why white Southerners have become increasingly rhotic is that there was a semi-conscious attempt to disassociate from African American Vernacular English.  I have not done enough research to state whether I agree with this point or not. But the way Thomas (once again) describes it is intriguing:

Another event that may have influenced Southern dialectical patterns, particularly desegregation, which was accompanied by turmoil in the South from the 1950s through the 1970s. The civil rights struggle seems to have caused both African Americans and southern Whites to stigmatize linguistic variables associated with the other group.

He then goes on to suggest this as a possible explanation for increased rhoticity. This notion evokes a lot of painful history, though, so I’m a hesitant about being on board with it without seeing some very clear evidence (if you know of any, let me know!).

If there are any Southerners out there, I’d love to hear what they have to say about this. I find that abstract theories about this region tend to differ a lot from “the facts on the ground.” Just how rhotic (or non-rhotic) is the American South today? And why has non-rhoticity receded?

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On a Lighter Note …

Martin Chilton of The Telegraph wrote a piece yesterday about Mel Gibson‘s accent in the upcoming film, The Beaver, in which Mel adopts a Cockney accent.  Here’s the trailer:

Chilton, perturbed by Gibson’s accent, had this to say about it:

Although his accent may escape a critical battering in America it will simply amuse anyone in England who knows a London accent (without the requirement of having been born within earshot of the Bow Bells). Gibson’s sounds like someone who has been up all night trying to blend Ray Winstone’s heavy gangster gruffness with the dulcet tones of Genial Harry Grout from Porridge in the 1970s.

I never thought the day would come when I would defend Mel Gibson, but I call BS on Chilton’s piece. First of all, there is no single “London Accent” to serve as a benchmark.  There’s Cockney, Multi-Cultural London English, Estuary, and various permutations of Received Pronunciation. As a (semi-retired) actor, nothing grates on my nerves more than locals of some city referring to a kind of mythical, monolithic dialect that we should all be familiar with.

Secondly, Gibson speaks maybe four sentences in this trailer.  And frankly?  His accent isn’t that bad.  I have some quibbles (a Cockney probably wouldn’t tap the “t” in “better), but let’s not bring up the terrifying specter of Dick Van Dyke‘s chimney sweep.  This is not in same class of awfulness as that.

And lastly, is it too much to ask for a few specifics in articles like these?  Like, I get this is a fluff piece taking some rich movie star to task for his stab at an accent, but if we’re so knowledgeable about said accent, can we maybe elaborate on what is so offensive to our ears?

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A Correction from Yesterday

I want to correct something from yesterday’s post regarding the concept of “stress timing.” I am quite newly acquainted with this branch of linguistics, so bear with me.

Yesterday I suggested “stress timing” refers to the tendency for stressed syllables to be of longer duration than unstressed ones. Not quite true. Stress timing means that the duration between stressed syllables is fairly constant. So, for instance, if you compared the phrase “ten miles” with the phrase “limited miles,” the duration between “ten” and “miles,” and the difference between “lim-” and “miles” is expected to be about the same.

Except it’s not, because this theory has apparently been discarded. Later research suggests that this is not a measurable division (correct me if I’m wrong here).

My confusion is this (and again, please let me know if I’m off base-here):  A number of linguistics papers I’ve read (the study on African American Vernacular English I linked to yesterday, for example), seem to use “stress timing” or “syllable timing” nominally, referring to languages where the duration of syllables varies greatly (as in English) as the former, and languages where the duration of syllables is fairly consistent (as in Spanish) as the latter.

Regardless, I wrote yesterday’s post far too quickly, and in a moment of haste, ignorance, and desire to silence my inner pedant, I conflated these two usages into one.  This reminds me of why I mostly stopped doing “here’s something cool I read” posts:  because it involves me writing about topics I know little about, I end up missing a lot of important qualifying statements and distinctions.

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The Rhythm of English Accents

Jamaican Child, ca. 1861

Jamaican Child, ca. 1861

When people discuss accents and dialects, they usually talk about consonants, vowels, diphthongs and the like. I know I do. But what about the musicality of an accent? We all seem to have a unique rhythm to our speech, a kind of linguistic “time signature,” if you will. Is there some way of quantifying this? And does an accent’s rhythm mean anything?

As a matter of fact, there is a way of measuring speech rhythm, although it’s an imperfect science. Linguists refer to this as timing (or to use a more scientific term, Isochrony). And when it comes to the “timing” of accents, there is a lot we can learn through measuring these differences.

Linguists divide language rhythm into two categories*:

1.) Syllable-timing. This means that each syllable in a language has roughly the same duration.

2.) Stress-timing. This means that syllables which are stressed are longer in duration than those which aren’t stressed. [Ed. note: I have tried for hours to come up with a way of putting this into my own words and this definition never comes out right.  So (sigh) I’m going to resort to quoting Wikipedia:  “In a stress-timed language, syllables may last different amounts of time, but there is perceived to be a fairly constant amount of time (on average) between consecutive stressed syllables.”]

For example, compare Spanish, a syllable-timed language, with English, a stress-timed language. Spanish Yo Hablo español muy bien tends to have equal duration for each syllable:

Yo – ha – blo – es – pa – nol – muy – bien

Whereas in English, stressed syllables are longer than unstressed ones, so “I speak English really well” is more like:

I speak EENG-lish really WEEELLL.

While all native English accents are basically stress-timed, for English accents with some “foreign” influence, the difference between stressed and unstressed syllables may be less pronounced. A study at North Carolina State University, for example, found that speakers of Jamaican English (influenced by West African languages) and Chicano English (influenced by Spanish) fall into a kind of “middle zone” in terms of timing. They aren’t as syllable-timed as Spanish, but they are less stress-timed than more “standard” varieties of English. To put that into plain English, these accents maintain a bit of a “foreign” rhythm: each syllable is weighed more equally than it would be for most English accents.

To see what I’m talking about, compare the accent of Bob Marley … with the accent of, mmm let’s say, Margaret Thatcher? Contrast the more steady rhythm of the former to the LONG-short-short-short-LONG-short-short pattern of the latter.

So what can we learn from findings like these? One thing they illustrate is how these “foreign-influenced” accents can change over time. In the same Duke study from above, the researchers compared modern-day speakers of African American Vernacular English with the recordings of ex-slaves before in 19th-Century. Their findings:

This result suggests that a difference in rhythm may have existed between earlier [African American English] … and that AAE has become more stress-timed over the years.

So, then, African Americans, who once spoke with rhythmic patterns closer to African languages, later adopted the timing patterns of more mainstream varieties of English. Perhaps we can use this to gauge how far a dialect or accent has diverged from its foreign origins?

This raises interesting questions about how other languages play a part in shaping English accents. Which features of another language remain part of an accent long after the foreign language has “left the room?”  And which of these features are lost?

*I’m excluding the third division, mora timing, a considerably more complex phenomenon that I won’t go into here.

**Similarly, linguists Eivind Torgerson & Anita Szakay, in their study of Multicultural London English, found that people with this accent have more syllable-timing than other Londoners.  Apparently this feature spreads!

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South African or Kiwi or Aussie?

Southern HemisphereMany accents get confused with one another: Canadian and American, Scottish and Northern Irish, Jamaican and Barbadian. But the granddaddy of all of them? The three-way mixup between Australian, New Zealand and South African English.

If you speak with one of these accents, and you live in the US, your accent has probably been identified incorrectly.  “Are you like, British or something?” we say, a befuddled look on our faces. And if you’re from New Zealand or South Africa, many a poor soul has certainly mistaken you for Australian. I can only imagine what it’s like to constantly be told you’re from a country thousands of miles from where you grew up.

With that in mind, I hope to shed a little light on why these accents get mistaken for one another. But first, lets look at the similarities between them:

1.) Each tends to raise the “e” vowel in DRESS, so it may sound like “driss” to an American. (“Yis, please!”)

2.) Each tends to raise the “a” vowel in TRAP, so it may sound like “trep” to an American. (“Thet’s a bed idea, mate!”)

3.) They also tend to all front the “o” diphthong in words like GOAT, so that “boat” might sound a bit like “bout” to an American. (“Ow now! Thet’s terrible!”)

So all of these accents have some related vowel shifting. Fair enough. But how can you tell them apart? Let’s look at some clips, starting with Aussie English. Since we’re mostly discussing American misperceptions, whose accent is more fitting than that of Paul Hogan, Australia’s unofficial Australian ambassador in the 1980s?

I’ll pause a moment, and wait for Australians reading this to stop laughing.

Now contrast this with a New Zealand accent (courtesy of New Zealand comedian Rhys Darby):

At first listen, these two accents sound similar. There is one notable difference, however: the “i” in KIT: This vowel almost becomes an “ee” sound in AusE, so that bit can sound like American “beat” (IPA bit). In NZE, on the other hand, this is sound is retracted, so it’s closer to the “a” in comma: ( IPA bɘt).

There are some other differences in the quality of the vowels and diphthongs, but they are too slight to be noticed by many. So  there’s enough overlap here that it’s easy to see how these two accents can get confused. The difference between the two is comparable to the difference between standard American and Canadian English: one or two pronounced differences, with a slew of much slighter differences.

But what about South African English? Listen to the speech of this well-known politician:

To my ears, this is a completely different can of worms.  Because there’s really so much different here:

1.) Where the first two accents pronounce FATHER with a fairly fronted vowel for the “a,” in South African English this word sounds more like “fawther” (IPA fɒ:ðə).

2.) The South African dipthongs are also quite different than for the other two: the vowel in KITE is pronounced similarly to the way it is in American Southern English“kaht” (IPA ka:t).

3.) The dipthong in words like MOUTH, meanwhile is even more unusual–“mouth” is nearly homophonous with American English “moth” (IPA mɑ:θ).

And those are only a few of the things that mark this accent as a very different animal.  My conclusion:  Kiwi and Aussie accents? Different, but similar enough that the confusion is understandable. But South African accents, although they share a similar vowel shift, belong in a very different category.

In defense of those who mistake South African accents for Australian, though, there are probably more similarities when you account for different variants of SA speech. As I’m mostly comparing middle-of-the-road types of each accent, I’d love to know more about some types of “sub-dialects” where there’s more overlap.

Are there Australian regional accents that sound particularly Kiwi? A city or town in New Zealand that sounds unusually Australian? Or types of all three accents that sound “British?”

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